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<text id=91TT1810>
<title>
Aug. 12, 1991: Judges, Democracy And Natural Law
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
Aug. 12, 1991 Busybodies & Crybabies
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
ESSAY, Page 68
Judges, Democracy And Natural Law
</hdr><body>
<p>By Michael Kinsley
</p>
<p> Though people on both sides deplore them, these annual
summer brawls over Supreme Court nominees can be valuable
exercises in civic education. The Robert Borkathon of 1987
forced millions of Americans to think about the role of a
constitution in a democracy: the proper way to interpret
200-year-old phrases, the conflict between majority rule and
individual freedom, and so on.
</p>
<p> This summer President Bush's nomination of Clarence Thomas
has unexpectedly plunged the nation even deeper into the pool
of first principles. America finds itself debating natural law.
An enthusiasm for something called "natural law" is one of the
repeated themes in Thomas' slim collection of writings and
speeches. What he means by natural law and what uses he would
put it to as a life-tenured Supreme Court Justice are not clear.
This justifiably alarms some people, who are worried that
"natural law" could become an excuse for a conservative judge
to impose his political agenda--just as conservatives have
accused liberal judges of using "privacy" to do the same thing.
</p>
<p> In fact, though, the two questions can be separated. Is
there something called natural law? And is it a legitimate basis
for judges to overrule the wishes of the majority as expressed
in laws of a less exalted sort?
</p>
<p> At this point in American history, the answer to the first
question is beyond challenge. Yes, as far as the U.S. is
concerned, natural law exists. The "Laws of Nature" are right
there in the first sentence of the Declaration of Independence.
The second and most famous sentence provides a perfect
definition of natural law: human beings are "endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable Rights," including "Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."
</p>
<p> Where do these rights come from? Some may have trouble
with the concept of a divine creator. Others may find it overly
metaphysical to insist that every human being has these rights
in a world where most people are patently unfree to exercise
them. But few can doubt that life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness are what a civilized society ought to strive to
provide its members. As the Declaration says, that is the reason
"Governments are instituted." It is "self-evident." That's good
enough for me.
</p>
<p> But just because rights exist, this does not mean it is
the role of judges to enforce them. The institution of judicial
review--the power of unelected judges to overrule the
democratic branches of government--is a funny business. Judges
do not have that power in other major democracies, and it is not
explicitly authorized in the U.S. Constitution. It emerges,
rather, from the structure of our government. As Justice John
Marshall first reasoned in Marbury vs. Madison (1803): faced
with a conflict between a law and a constitutional provision,
judges must honor the Constitution. All government officials
should do the same. The Supreme Court's interpretation of the
Constitution is definitive only because procedurally it comes
last.
</p>
<p> The Constitution lists certain rights, and others (such as
the right to vote) are implied in the structure of government
it sets up. But nothing in the constitutional structure of the
government gives the Supreme Court authority to overrule the
other branches on the basis of unwritten natural law. Judicial
review, a bold claim at first, is now so well established that
we've come to feel that a right doesn't exist unless a judge can
enforce it. But enforcing a right means interpreting it, and
exclusive power to interpret a concept as vague as natural law
should not be given to the unelected branch of government. The
job of protecting our nonconstitutional rights belongs to those
who most directly "deriv[e] their just powers from the consent
of the governed," as the Declaration has it: elected officials.
</p>
<p> The Declaration speaks of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit
of Happiness." The Constitution refers more prosaically to
"life, liberty, or property." It's an illuminating difference.
Furthermore, the Constitution does not guarantee these values
in absolute terms. It protects them only from deprivation by the
government itself, and even in that regard it promises only
procedural fairness and equal treatment. The authors were surely
wise to narrow the focus. What would be left of democracy if
judges could roam the landscape striking down anything that--in their opinion--interfered with somebody's pursuit of
happiness?
</p>
<p> All this is not to say that natural-law concepts have no
role to play in constitutional interpretation. Many people, for
example, find it hard to understand why freedom of speech must
be extended to Nazis and others who do not believe in free
speech themselves and would deny it to others if they could. The
answer is that the Bill of Rights is based on the theory of
natural law, not on the alternative theory of a social contract.
You are entitled to these rights simply because you are a human
being, not because you have agreed, literally or metaphorically,
to honor them.
</p>
<p> Majestic phrases like "due process of law" require
parsing. Even the strictest constructionists would accept that
the natural-law thinking of the 18th century is useful in
divining the framers' "original intent."
</p>
<p> Some enthusiasts see the Ninth Amendment--which provides
that the list of rights in the Constitution "shall not be
construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people"--as a direct incorporation of natural law. The fact that these
enthusiasts include would-be judicial activists of both the left
and the right ought to dim the enthusiasm of both groups. The
point is that the people do have rights not derived from the
Constitution--natural rights, if you will--but judges have
no special authority to enforce those rights.
</p>
<p> Clarence Thomas may well be claiming no special authority
for judges when he invokes natural law and natural rights. In
that case, there is no problem. If he has more ambitious
notions, there is a serious problem. And the fact that liberal
Justices may have had overreaching notions of their own in the
past is mere irony.
</p>
</body></article>
</text>